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During the Great Depression, supermarkets grew in popularity because of their bargain prices. The new supermarkets encouraged spectacle and unrefined grabbing at deals; they brought in poor women who needed discount groceries.

They also encouraged what some retailers characterized as animal-like behavior. Retailers were shocked that women wanted to elbow one another for good deals, buy canned foods, and gasp!

Stores began to pander to upper-class women to, in effect, create the customer they wanted to attract. They remade themselves in the model of the idealized woman—well-behaved, perky, submissive.

Shopping became cleaner, brighter, and sexier. Adam Mack tracks the astonishing ways in which supermarkets worked sex appeal into everyday shopping—whether through Muzak, carefully placed aromas, or the suggestion that male grocery store employees were there to serve them.

Mack was not the first to pick up on the ways in which sex was used to fuel consumption. In , Betty Friedan brilliantly broke down how American advertisers foisted restrictive gender roles on women in The Feminine Mystique.

Using market research about American housewives, she revealed the tactics retailers used to shackle women through shopping.

They are guilty of persuading housewives to stay at home, mesmerized in front of a television set, their nonsexual human needs unnamed, unsatisfied, drained by the sexual sell into the buying of things.

And they still have less money to spend—for instance, white women make about 80 cents for every dollar earned by a white man. The gap is even larger for women of color, and the same supermarkets that were built to contain the sexual urges of white women were designed to lock out African-Americans, Latinas, and others.

As the historian Lizabeth Cohen notes , chain stores took longer to root themselves among working-class shoppers—and to become welcoming for members of ethnic groups like Jews, Italians, and Poles.

Women may yearn for a less oppressed future, but the piles of waxed apples, the orderly rows of boxes and bags, the muted music, and the fluorescent lights of modern grocery stores are all reminders that the structures in which we shop were built along strictly gendered lines.

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In poor health: Supermarket redlining and urban nutrition. Join Our Newsletter. You may unsubscribe at any time by clicking on the provided link on any marketing message.

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The spread documents the brief highs a cup of coffee at the dinette, a moment at a candlelit dinner and the gritty lows rescuing her month-old son from choking on a peanut shell, cleaning up a bowl an unseen child threw on the kitchen floor of her life in St.

Paul, Minnesota. In every picture, Tweten is beset by screaming, twitching children or by her husband. Perhaps the most sobering photos in the story are a series of images showing Tweten attempting to subdue her children at the grocery store.

As she shops with her small children, anguish, frustration, and humiliation are frozen on her face.

It was a place of consumption as sensual as it was satisfying. And as historians like Tracey Deutsch and Adam Mack have documented, supermarkets were places where sexuality and gender strictures collided for American women.

Before then, grocery shopping meant traveling from butcher to baker to greengrocer. Though there were some packaged goods, people bought most items in their original form and prepared them at home.

If it sounds complicated, it was. Without modern conveniences like microwaves, dishwashers or even electric stoves, turning all of those raw products into food was exhausting and time-consuming.

Cooking was hot, tedious work, shopping a seemingly endless task, albeit one mediated by male clerks.

Inside general stores and at grocery stalls, women handed shopping lists to men, who sought out the necessary products behind the counter and inside their stalls.

Food was meted out by men and paid for with money meted out by men. There was nothing sexy about this early shopping experience. Food was often unseen, haggled for in a sloppy market.

Then, just as the world turned upside-down, so did grocery shopping. Then, in , an entrepreneur named Clarence Saunders did away with almost everything his contemporaries thought of when they thought of shopping for food.

Piggly Wiggly—now thought of as the first supermarket—was different than anything else of its age. Instead of clerks who doled out food, it had carefully organized shelves on which shoppers could find food for themselves.

As the economy changed, fewer and fewer women entered domestic service. Concurrently, cooking became easier thanks to convenience products like frozen and canned foods and innovations like the refrigerator and gas stove.

And as more and more women began to cook, affluent women headed to supermarkets. During the Great Depression, supermarkets grew in popularity because of their bargain prices.

The new supermarkets encouraged spectacle and unrefined grabbing at deals; they brought in poor women who needed discount groceries.

They also encouraged what some retailers characterized as animal-like behavior. Retailers were shocked that women wanted to elbow one another for good deals, buy canned foods, and gasp!

Stores began to pander to upper-class women to, in effect, create the customer they wanted to attract. They remade themselves in the model of the idealized woman—well-behaved, perky, submissive.

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